Argumentamos que se rompem nessas novas representações importantes binarismos modernos, tais como, homem/máquina, biológico/tecnológico e natureza/cultura. Muitos dos debates conduzidos salientam a centralidade que as TICs alcançam nas sociedades contemporâneas, que também se caracterizam pela emergência de formas ciborgues, pós-humanas ou pós-orgânicas, que representam corpos descritos muito mais como processos ou arranjos da informação do que como corposmáquina, como as perspectivas modernistas enfatizavam. Tal civilização, também configurada como pós-moderna (Lyotard, 1989), como modernidade líquida (BAUMAN, 2001), ou como modernidade tardia (JAMESON, 2002), tem sido caracterizada por atuar na produção de subjetividades bastante diversas das usualmente invocadas para referir o homem no humanismo moderno. Este texto discute alguns filmes classificados como de ficção científica para marcar como o cinema nos tem ensinado a ver e a viver nessa civilização altamente tecnológica, à qual se tem atribuído o qualificativo cibernética. We argue that significant binary oppositions such as man/ machine, biological/technological and nature/culture. Many debates focus on the centrality that technologies of information and communication touch in the contemporaries society, which is also characterised by the emergence of cyborg, post-human or post-organ forms, which represent bodies depicted as information processes or arrangements rather than machine bodies, as modernist perspectives emphasise. subjectivities very different from those usually called upon to refer to man in the modern humanism.

This civilisation, also regarded as postmodern (LYOTARD, 1989), liquid modernity (BAUMAN, 2001), or late modernity (JAMESON, 2002), has been characterised as acting on production of. This text discusses some films ranked as science fiction to highlight how cinema has taught us to see and live in this highly technological civilisation, which we have taken as cybernetic (APPIGNANESI GARRAT, 1998). But whatever the circumstances, there is no guarantee that children will accept the books adults press on them. The nursery rhyme anthology that delighted a mother in post-Second World War America might be condemned by an ardent communist in the Soviet Union of the 1920s as laughably deficient for training up the future citizens of the new society. Just as conceptions of childhood can differ sharply, so can ideas about children’s books.

A subsistence farmer in thirteenth-century France, a society where childhood mortality was extremely high and Roman Catholicism permeated all of life, would have had quite a different perspective on childhood from an upper middle-class father in Victorian England, whose children were likely to survive into adulthood but would bear the weight of dynastic, national and imperial expectations. The issues at stake are not purely academic: whatever the answers, they are likely to have some impact on the way children are regarded and treated in a particular culture at a given time. How a person formulates responses to such questions, moreover, is also shaped by his or her perspective as an artist, biologist, economist, parent, philosopher or teacher. The framing of discussions about childhood are therefore influenced by the time and culture, as twentieth-century historians, anthropologists and sociologists have shown. What do children know? How do they learn best? What rights should they have? All these fundamental questions about childhood can be contested (and frequently are).

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